Steve Salfield

Having completed our contracts with the Health Department of Papua New Guinea late in 1973 I and my wife decided to explore a remote area of the country where few outsiders had ever been. I had worked in the country for eighteen months and had heard about the area around Telefomin and seen photographs of men wearing “Telefomin trousers” as the traditional penis gourds were fondly known by expats and others. I had met a few of the people in the hospital as my patients. My wife had been to the outstation during her nutrition survey of the East Sepik District and what she described fascinated me. Living here we knew the places to go and how to arrange to visit.
We knew that the country was entering a phase of rapid change and we had a unique opportunity to visit people from a stoneage society and places virtually untouched by modernity. I felt then that modern lifestyles were in many ways retrograde and wanted to understand more of the traditional way of life lived by the people I was meeting.
My brother, his girlfriend and two friends flew in from Australia to join us.
“The weather’s fine so we should reach Oksapmin in about 40 minutes” shouted our Ozzie pilot over the roaring of the Cessna’s twin engines. “The air’s pretty thin up there but I think I can get enough altitude to drop us into Oksapmin. On the way back though, I’ll have to collect you in two loads ‘cos we won’t be able to climb out of the valley with six of you on board.” As we climbed from Wewak, the small administration town on the north coast of Papua New Guinea we saw to our right Boram Hospital our home for the last year, our garden touching the turquoise blue South Pacific and to our left rose the densely forested mountains of the Sepik District.
Forty minutes later we saw far below two or three of the familiar Australian built administration buildings and a small airstrip and nearby a traditional thatched village. We were above a steep sided valley high in the mountains and after descending into the valley we held our breath as the pilot circled round and round the valley descending all the time, the wingtips almost touching the valley sides until we landed on the bumpy grass strip.
We were surrounded by twenty or thirty small smiling people. Most were in everyday traditional dress, penis gourds and a few leaves covering the backside for the men and mudstained old grass skirts for the women. A few men were dressed in torn dirty shorts and teeshirts. They had pierced ears with the lower part of the ear dangling where it had been stretched by heavy ornaments, the redundant earlobe often hooked over the top of the ear. Some had pierced noses, the hole often sporting an insect’s proboscis as decoration or used as storage for a partly smoked leaf cigarette.
“Kiap i no stap. Em i go long liv. Mi wok wantaim Kiap, Mi inap helpim yupela.”
“The Kiap (Austalian patrol officer) isn’t here. He’s gone on leave. I work with the kiap. I can help you” said a smiling small man with a cigarette in the end of his nose. This was Bobbin who became our guide.
We explained that we wanted to go on a patrol into the bush and would need some carriers. He eagerly offered to arrange that for us and told us that there would be a singsing in Okspamin that afternoon.
We had seen twenty or thirty singsings in our eighteen months in Papua New Guinea but this was the most spectacular of all. As we waited near the airstrip in the warm afternoon sun we saw a line of a hundred or more people moving along a track from the forest on the nearby hillside, approaching the valley where we stood. As they neared we heard singing. The men yodelling and whooping, the women singing in high pitched voices and sometimes screaming and wawwawing with their hands on and off their mouths.
When they arrived we saw the most wonderful display of traditional dress. The men wore penis gourds, long pointed gourds strapped around their waists and exaggerating their phalluses, their testicles dangling below. Around their waists were several cane hoops like a belt. They carried bows and arrows and spears and as they ran and danced they beat an adrenaline pumping rhythm on the lizard skins of wooden hand drums. Their bodies and faces were painted red or black and their heads were adorned with complex headgears made of birds of paradise, other feathers, vegetation and possum furs. Some men had impressive dreadlocks although they could not know of rastafarianism. Many wore shell necklaces although they had never seen the sea. Some had large pigs tusks through their nose piercings.
The women wore fine grass skirts, clean and new and with an upper and lower layer. Their faces were painted and their bodies decorated but with less finery than the men. As they ran and danced to the infectious drumming, the young girls’ firm bare breasts bobbed up and down to the rhythm with a life of their own, whilst the older women’s sagging empty “razorstrops”, well used by numerous hungry suckling babies and precious piglets, drooped listlessly.
We studied sketch maps in the Kiap’s office and planned a circular route which we estimated would bring us back to Oksapmin ten days later. The following morning we left Oksapmin with our team of six carriers. Drupe, Gris, Peter and Iyup were young men and wore teeshirts and shorts. Bobbin and another were older and were dressed traditionally. We felt rather embarrassed as the carriers were about half our size but made light work of carrying our rucksacks whereas the combined effects of the heat, altitude and unfitness would have soon exhausted us. Initially we were walking along a muddy track which was being made into a vehicle road. We met some road workers, a group of women in grass skirts working with shovels in the mud, their small naked brown skinned children with ginger brown hair looking curiously at us and some bearded men in penis gourds. The women and some men carried the ubiquitous “bilums” (string bags) slung over their heads. These were used to carry everything from a few sweet potatoes for lunch to babies or massive loads of firewood. We spent a night at the mission station at Tekin with Dorothy Harris, an Australian and we passed nearby Aranimap village.
Our route involved climbing over Bimin mountain. We were carrying a small amount of food but hoped to buy most of our supplies from villagers on the route. Half way up the mountain I started to feel shaky and weak. I knew I needed some food but the party was reluctant to stop for lunch so early as we had only walked for two or three hours. I had to stop and was allowed a small piece of sweet potato. Our carriers were anxious, thinking we had finished walking for the day and knowing there was still a long distance to the next village where we planned to stay the night.
We ascended the steep muddy track, clinging onto tree roots as we went. At the summit we were in a cloud forest. The air was cold and damp and visibility was a few yards. The eerie trees with gnarled branches were covered in thick moss and lichens.
We descended the other side of the mountain and arrived at Bimin the village where we had planned our next stop. There were a few tiny wooden huts with thatch rooves. We were shown to a larger hut on stilts made from tree branches with one large room containing a rough wooden bed on tall legs. An anthropologist had lived here for two or three years but the hut was now unoccupied. It was used by the patrol officer when he did his occasional patrols of the district and so was known as the haus kiap. As we were tired, not yet having built up our fitness we decided to have a rest the next day and spend two nights in this house.
In preparation for the night, one of the first tasks was to inflate our airbeds using the footpump we had brought. We hadn’t anticipated the interest and amazement this caused. We were surrounded by a fascinated audience. People had never seen anything like this before and must have thought it was some kind of magic.
Next morning, lying in the sun I decided to read a Time magazine I had brought with me. I was surrounded by incredulous people who were seeing photographs and print for the first time in their lives. I was uncomfortably aware that our mere presence was a catalyst for change in the society which I would have preferred not to happen. But if the people chose to modernise was it perhaps wrong to want to keep them in a museum?
We were alarmed to learn that none of our carriers had ever ventured further than Bimin along the route. They did not know the way and were frightened to proceed as they would be in enemy territory. Luckily we met Memkenya, a Bimin man, who was prepared to guide us from Bimin via various other villages and eventually back to Oksapmin so our carriers agreed to continue. Memkenya was an older man with very thin legs and an emaciated body but he was strong and able to carry one of our rucksacks with ease. He wore a khaki peaked cap on his head, a skirt of large black feathers covered his backside and he was otherwise naked apart from a penis gourd and some cane hoops around his waist. Memkenya proudly explained that the cap showed that he had been a luluai or government representative before the arrival of the kiap in Oksapmin.
We continued walking through beautiful rainforest and sometimes open country on this high plateau on a narrow track from Bimin to the small village of Kunana and the following day we saw a magnificent gorge between Kunana and Duban. We crossed raging rapids scrabbling on dangerous bridges made of slippery fallen treetrunks. We traversed sheer mountain sides on tiny paths with vertical drops and waded through many muddy streams.
The population density was low and we walked for hours without meeting people. The villages were generally a day’s walk apart providing plenty of space between traditional enemies and enough land for hunting, gathering and growing food. In the villages we were welcomed by people wanting to sell us vegetables and showing us to the “haus kiap” to sleep for the night. Memkenya knew the route which was fortunate because at times there was no path to be seen and at other times a choice of several uncharted tracks. We stayed overnight at villages called Kweptana and Gowgitamin.
This was one of the most remote places in the world and at times it was hard to believe that we English suburban kids were really here and hiking through such beauty and in such an alien culture. At times our carriers would run ahead and out of sight in the dense vegetation. We had no chance of keeping up. The weather was hot and the going arduous. Would we ever see them and our rucksacs again? Would we be lost in the jungle with no one to guide us? Would we die up here? But then we would round a bend and find them sitting on a fallen tree waiting for us smiling and calling.
We westerners had to stop for our three meals a day but these wiry little people seemed to need little food even though they were carrying our rucksacks. In the evening they would have a small meal of sweet potato but little or nothing else all day. We discussed how they could manage with such a small food intake. There was a theory then current about possible nitrogen fixing bacteria in their guts which might enable amino acids to be synthesised in the gut and thus reduce dietary protein requirement. Another theory suggested that natural selection had resulted in the survival of individuals with a genetic makeup which allowed them to need little nourishment. The genes resulting in people with higher nutritional needs would have died out.
One afternoon after arriving at Kunana, our destination for the day we met an impressive man. Handsome and taller than average at around five feet, he was muscular, proud and charismatic. He was a fight leader and a village big man. He wore a possum on his head with a long white feather attached and a red headband with a pigtusk in the middle. He had an impressive insect proboscis pointing forward in his nose piercing and a fine dogtooth necklace . Of course he wore his penis gourd. We sat with him and from a pouch he wore around his neck he took out a mouth harp like a jew’s harp made of wood and began to play. You had to sit close to him to hear his tune as the volume was quiet.The music was rhythmic and melodic with a repetitive riff followed by improvised embellishments. This was modern jazz played by a stoneage fight leader who had never left his homelands or heard a radio. It was a moving experience to hear such wonderful music in such a remote place.
These people spoke their tribal language, one of the seven hundred or so in Papua New Guinea. Only a few of them spoke Pidgin English and none we met spoke English. I tried to learn a few words. I learned the words for “the man goes to the garden” and then learned the word for “dog.” I then tried to say “the dog goes to the garden” by substituting the word for dog in the sentence in place of the word for man. This caused hoots of hilarity. What I had said was complete nonsense as the word for “to go” and the word for “garden” differ in the case of a man being the subject or an animal being the subject in the sentence.
When my nutritionist wife asked whether a certain type of leaf could be eaten, the women laughed uproariously. This was akin to aliens from outer space asking us if toilet paper could be eaten.
From Kunana we walked to Dunan with magnificent views across the Bok gorge. We had completely stunning views of the Strickland gorge.
On the way we met a very thin old man standing outside his hut and clutching his belly looking very sorry for himself. I found a large lump in his abdomen and other than giving him a few painkillers there was nothing I could do and there was no health care facility within many days walk. I suggested he should be taken to Oksapmin and then flown to Wewak hospital but this seemed an impossible undertaking given terrain and the fear of leaving their territory that these people had.
On the fourth day of our walk we stopped in a small one roomed haus kiap for the night. We were taken to a small singsing held to ward off evil spirits following a funeral. Before going out we had fixed a tarpaulin to the underside of the leaky roof as it had already started raining. Returning from the sing sing in heavy rain we lay in bed listening to the water dripping through the roof. Half an hour later an almighty scream roused us as we dozed off. The tarpaulin had collapsed under the weight of a large puddle of rain water it had collected, soaking my brother and his girlfriend. The rest of us were unable to contain ourselves and giggled hysterically.
On our final day our carriers took us to their home village and told us they would cook us a celebration meal, a mumu. Taro and pandanus nuts were prepared and wrapped in banana leaves. They built a large fire on which they heated a pile of stones until they were white hot. The stones were then lifted between two sticks and put into a hole in the ground and the food wrapped in banana leaves was put on top of the stones. The hole was then covered with soil and the food left for several hours to cook. When cooked the taro was kneaded into a base rather like a pizza base and then covered in the bright red pandanus sauce. The process took several hours and we were ravenous when the enormous delicious looking pizza like dish was ready. But we had to conceal our disappointment when we tasted the meal and found it was almost completely tasteless.
Eventually we walked into Oksapmin and flew back to Wewak three by three. I loved what I had seen and didn’t want it to change. I knew this was hopelessly simplistic and paternalistic. They had land, space and community and strong traditions, no deadlines and no bureaucracy. But they had no health care or education, no running water and no conveniences or comforts and they had fear of evil spirits and danger from their enemies. Given the choice these people would probably opt for the safer and more comfortable lifestyle which I enjoyed.
In my Wewak garden that evening I, my brother Phil and our friend Rick danced in penis gourds and brandished spears.
I shouted my warcry,
“Keep out twentieth century. Leave these people to their lives.”

It was seven o clock in the morning on the seventh day of the seventh month of ninenteen seventy one. In the cool early hours of the morning thousands of local village people had made the arduous climb through the forest to the summit of Mount Turu in the Sepik District of Papua New Guinea (PNG). At the summit were two concrete triangulation posts which years earlier had been placed there by an American geographical survey team. The villagers were all paid up members of the Peli Association, a cargo cult. They believed that at this auspicious time, they should remove the Americans’ concrete posts and the mountain would open and disgorge for the membership masses of cargo, a term for manufactured western goods, and money. Crops would flourish where they had recently failed, birds of paradise would return in plenty and the members would be rich.
The big man of the area, Mathias Yaliwan was the leader of the Peli Association. Yaliwan had been preaching for many years that Peli members would be rewarded on this date when the mountain would open and be full of cargo. To become a member entailed buying “shares bilong Jesus Christ”. The cult grew to huge proportions and eventually most people in the area joined. Even educated local people, though sceptical bought shares, not wanting to risk missing out. The disappointed members were not refunded their subscriptions and thousands of dollars were unaccounted for. Yaliwan, who was quite possibly a sincere man later became a member of the national parliament.
Of course there were those who realised the impossibility of the prediction. The European expatriates were worried that they would be accused of conspiring with God and Jesus Christ to prevent the local people from getting their cargo so they themselves could profit. This concern proved unnecessary. Some of the Europeans understood that uniquely complex cross cultural dynamics had led to this bizarre situation. However some redneck Australian administrators and businessmen considered the local people to be lazy “bush kanakas” who wanted something for nothing by subscribing to this corrupt organisation rather than working hard.
What was the background to the social aberration of cargo cults? The people of PNG had been more or less isolated from the rest of the world for thousands of years until contact with Europeans started in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Then Christian evangelical missionaries started to arrive, but for years made contact with only a tiny minority of the people. Tribal warfare made travel impossible for most people and many had no contact with the outside world except for neighbouring tribes, who were often dangerous enemies, until the mid twentieth century or later. In the 1970’s I met tribes whose first contact with outsiders had been seven years earlier.
After World War one a League of Nations declaration made PNG a protectorate of Britain who delegated the role to Australia. In the first half of the twentieth century most people still lived a stone age traditional village life of subsistence agriculture and hunting. Their homes were built of wood and palm leaves. The men hunted with bows and arrows and spears and used stone axes to chop down trees while the women worked in the vegetable gardens using wooden tools. Neither the wheel nor flights for arrows had been invented.
Gradually a few imported axes, saucepans and the like were acquired from missionaries or bought from trade stores.
Later a Westminster style national government was introduced to govern the country of 700 tribes with 700 languages, most of whom were living literally in the stone age.
In Melanesian societies status was gained through giving and the big men tended to be those who were able to give most. Melanesians believed that their ancestors spoke to them in dreams and could come back to life bringing gifts. Some came to believe that missionaries and other white people were reincarnations of their ancestors.
The missionaries of course taught that the people should believe in the Christian God and thatJesus Christ was the son of God and that traditional pagan icons should be destroyed. Christianity was difficult to reconcile with traditional religions, which consisted of ancestor worship and belief in spirits which had to be placated in order to ensure good harvests and safety from enemies.
Soon after the white people came to live amongst the Papua New Guineans, enormous ships and planes started to arrive disgorging amazing cargo such as radios, cars, refrigerators, beer, and many other things which had never before been seen. These were out of context and the people had no concept of how they could be produced by humans. The goods were destined for the white people and never for the local black people. Some of the local people put two and two together and began to believe that the goods were sent to the white Christians by God and that if they became Christian they too would receive shiploads of cargo. When the goods failed to arrive for the black people, some began to believe this was a conspiracy by the whites. But some local leaders developed large followings when they predicted that the ancestors would send ships and planes with goods for the local people. These beliefs were known as cargo cults.

The superimposition of a twentieth century western culture on a stone age society produced a situation ripe for misunderstandings at an interpersonal level and also at a national level. In his autobiography “Ten thousand years in a lifetime” the then minister for health the late Sir Albert Maori Kiki graphically described the immense personal cultural conflicts and difficulties in his transformation from a child in a stone age village, through missionary school, training in Fiji as a health worker and finally becoming a Westminster style politician and a cabinet minister.
During the three years I spent as a doctor in Papua New Guinea in the 1970’s I often encountered situations in which I had made unconscious assumptions based on my western background only to discover that the people I was relating to had a very different way of viewing the same event.
At the end of a day of hospital clinics and wardrounds, Joseph, a hospital porter who had been friendly with me said he wanted to talk. I invited him for a beer and we sat in my tropical garden under the Frangipani tree, the gentle waves of the South Pacific breaking on the coral reef a few yards away. We chatted in New Guinea pidgin and after a few polite preliminaries he asked me what money really was and where it came from.
“Long wonem yupela Europeans kisim dispela mani na yupela inap baim planti cago na mipela kisim liklik mani tasol?”
How was it that I and other Europeans were able to get plenty of money and buy goods, whilst the New Guineans only got a small amount of money. He wanted me to explain the source of the coins and notes so that he could obtain more for himself.
I tried to explain that money had no intrinsic value but was merely a token paid for services, that my skills as a doctor were rarer and more in demand by the government than his as a porter and so I was paid more money and could obtain more expensive cargo. As I explained I became acutely aware of the limits of my own understanding of economics.
Joseph listened politely and asked questions. After I had explained as clearly as I could he said that this was a very interesting story but now would I give him the true explanation of where the white people got money from. Clearly he believed that the whites had secrets we were unwilling to divulge thus preventing the local people from obtaining wealth. He had no concept of factories producing goods or mints producing coins. Money and goods were given to the white people probably by God or gods and ancestors sending them to the country by ship.

Each morning I would stroll along the breezy point of land projecting into the south pacific and which was the grounds of Wewak Hospital. The basic wood-built hospital was well maintained by the Australian administration and supplies and equipment were adequate. The nursing staff were mostly Papua New Guineans but matron in charge was Australian. The four doctors were, like me, expatriates.
One morning I arrived on the ward to do the rounds. By chance I went into a side room and found a desperately ill old man lying in the bed. I hadn’t been told about this tribesman who spoke no pidgin or any language in common with the hospital staff. I started emergency resuscitation.
When I asked how long he had been in the ward and was told he had been there for about three days and had received no treatment I became rather angry and incredulous. How could it be that a very ill man in hospital was not seen by a doctor for three days and received no treatment? Moreover it seemed that this would have continued had I not entered the room by chance.
The old man died and I tried to discover what had happened. Gradually I understood from Isaac, the charge nurse, that the man was from a tribe which was a traditional enemy of the tribes of most of the nursing staff. There was a feeling that it would be no bad thing if the man were to die. This event was pivotal in my awareness that my own, often unconscious assumptions, did not always hold true in another society.

Today it is recognised that even severe dehydration in children can be safely treated with rehydration by mouth using the correct electrolyte solution. In the 1970’s dehydrated children were treated with an intravenous infusion and there was great emphasis on the correct amount of fluid to avoid under or over hydration. Often the intravenous needles for the infusion would become displaced from the vein and need to be replaced. Every evening in the children’s gastroenteritis ward in Port Moresby we had a ward round to ensure that the night nurses understood the treatment for each child.
One morning I came to the ward and found that the young nurse who had been on duty overnight had placed the displaced needles not into the children’s veins but had run the fluid into the mattresses rather than into the children’s veins.
I was completely puzzled by this apparently strange behaviour. It became clear that the Papua New Guinean nurse had misunderstood me the European doctor. I had emphasised the importance of the level of the fluid in the infusion bottle, assuming that it was obvious the fluid needed to go into the child. Unable to resite the needles correctly into the veins, she was satisfied to get the fluid to the correct mark in the bottle by whatever means. This seems impossible to us with all our assumptions about medical treatment and our background of a western education but it reflects a completely different cultural background.

A middle aged man who had his initial treatment for pulmonary tuberculosis in hospital improved, stopped coughing blood and was stronger. I advised him to go back to his remote village for his eighteen month course of treatment to be completed at the local health aidpost.
A few months later he returned to hospital complaining that he was again coughing blood. X rays confirmed that the disease was producing new cavities in his lungs and sputum microscopy showed that many tubercle bacilli were again present. His treatment card showed that all the right boxes were ticked three times each week indicating to me that he had received all his treatment. My initial thought was that his TB had become resistant to the drugs, a problem which was starting to emerge in the early 1970’s but was rare in the Sepik district of Papua New Guinea.
On further enquiry I discovered that although the man had been to the aidpost three times a week and the aidpost worker had ticked the boxes, no treatment had been given. It seemed that the aidpost had run out of the medicine and the orderly had not been to town to collect more. Later when I discussed it with the aidpost orderly I discovered that he thought the most important thing was to tick the boxes to show that the patient had attended even though the medicine was not given. Maybe there are some lessons for the UK’s health service where important government targets can be met by massaging waiting lists even though no more patients are treated.

Although we westerners do not understand all the causes of diseases we have an underlying assumption that they have a biological or a psychological basis. When I went to Papua New Guinea as a 26 year old doctor I was unprepared for the beliefs about illness held by the people who would be my patients.
All disease was believed to be caused by poisoning or “sanguma” either by angry spirits or by enemies. If it was found that the sanguma was caused by an enemy then revenge would be appropriate especially if the person died of their illness. One night in a village next to the Sepik river, I sat up all night with the village people in the “haus tambaran” or spirit house. A child had died following an illness. The people were gathered in the haus tambaran and the elders and important people were engaged in heated debate, singing, shouting, crying and wailing all night while they tried to determine which spirit or which enemies had been responsible.
Often one could tell the location of a patient’s symptoms by numerous small cuts or scars over the area. The traditional doctor had cut the skin with a sharp stone or a knife to let out the spirits causing the illness. If this did not work the patient would come to the hospital to try western treatment. Sometimes I was very frustrated after my treatment was starting to be effective when the patient would one day disappear. I was told that because they had started to improve they had gone back to the village for the village doctor to complete treatment using their traditional methods.
I believe that the presumption that others are thinking in the same way as oneself, whether within one’s own cultural group or in another, leads to conflict, either interpersonal or on a larger scale. Perhaps awareness of differences in thought processes would avoid some of the horrific problems caused by misunderstanding.

The Javanese train was comfortable enough. The open windows allowed the hot humid breeze to provide some relief from the stifling tropical heat. Pungent smoke from the coal fired steam engine occasionally drifted in through the window and every now and then the blowing of the whistle brought memories of travelling in England by steam train not too many years earlier. At each small station hawkers got onto the train selling food and drink, and an assortment of amputees exhibiting their stumps, sadfaced ragged women with small children, cripples and other needy people would get on and parade through the carriages begging for money before getting off at the next station to return home on a later train in the opposite direction.
After travelling for several hours we decided to try our luck at the next station. We had no idea what the town would be like but wanted a different experience from big cities and from the major sights described in our guidebook and to see what life was like in an ordinary Indonesian town.
The small platform was not busy but two Europeans with small backpacks were an unusual sight and we were immediately surrounded by an inquisitive group of young men and children. “What is your name? Where are you from? What is your religion?” These were the usual questions that we were growing tired of answering after several weeks in Indonesia. We had learned to say we were Christian as the answer “no religion” was interpreted as meaning communist, a dangerous answer as only a few years earlier hundreds of thousands of communists had been massacred by Suharto’s government. We asked for directions to the nearest hotel but were informed that there was no hotel or guesthouse in town. One young man who spoke English offered us accommodation in his parents’ comfortable home and we agreed, relieved to have a bed for the night.
The small town was similar to many others we had passed through on trains and buses. There was a bustling main street with numerous small open fronted shops and stalls selling sarongs, batiks and other textiles, hardware, tropical fruits and vegetables, meat of both familiar and strange animals. There were crowded buses with people on the rooves and hanging out of doors and windows. Horses and carts and bullock carts transported people and goods. The ubiquitous pedal rickshaws were the main transport for short journeys in town.
Our horse and cart drove us past cottage industries where people made the necessities of life. Tofu was made by traditional methods in mud floored huts by cigarette smoking men with filthy hands. Women sitting on a concrete floor treated fabrics with wax to make beautiful multicoloured batiks. Liquor was produced by a lethal looking process using assorted tubes, spheres and distillation cylinders. Brass gongs for gamelan orchestras were made in an intensely hot, primitive foundry where molten metal was manipulated by men in shorts and open toed sandals. There was a clayworks where roofing tiles were fired.
That evening, we learned, was to be a festival. By six o clock the town was a throng of activity. The main town square was covered in small open stalls where we feasted on spicy kebabs, peanut sate, rice and noodles fried in large woks, and coconut cakes, all washed down with locally made arak.
In a small temple the mellow gongs and drums of a Javanese gamelan orchestra played quiet, mesmerising music using an unfamiliar scale. The character of this gamelan was so different from the rousing raucous gamelan orchestras we had recently heard in villages and temples in Bali.
We were led down dusty backstreets and into a square lined by single storey wooden houses. A noisy excited circle of people babbled, shouted, exclaimed and gasped in bahassa Indonesia. I could understand only the occasional word. Around the square the usual assortment of food stalls sizzled and spat and emitted a heady mixture of mouthwatering aromas of spicy frying food. In the centre of the crowd was an arena some ten metres across. Men in traditional finery squatted on their haunches around the perimeter of the arena chatting and laughing loudly. They were short wiry swarthy characters with fine moustaches who had clearly seen years of work in the hot sun in the rice paddies and probably some years in the Indonesian army in East Timor or Irian Jaya or some other area of Javanese colonisation. But on this night they were stars, competitors rivalling each other for the championship. They wore turbans and fine batik sarongs. Each man had several small wicker cages and in each strutted and bristled a potential champion fighting cock. Two men squatted at opposite sides of the arena, each holding his best bird and thrusting it towards his opponent, taunting and provoking, while his bird became more and more angry and adrenalised: eager to pounce on his enemy. At last the birds were released and flew at each other amidst squawks of anger. Wings were spread, feathers flying, beaks pecking, and legs lashing. Suddenly there was a piercing avian scream, blood was spurting and one bird fell to the ground, lanced by the razor sharp silver spurs attached to the legs of the victor. Wagers were settled, hands were shaken, the owner of the winning bird was surrounded by backslapping admirers and was paid his winnings and then it was time for the next two competitors.
Later in the evening we were taken to the edge of the town and into the rice paddies. In the fading light we walked on a patchwork of raised earth pathways between the sunken and partially submerged fields of young rice plants. An occasional farmer was working late with his buffalo drawn plough. Women worked waist deep in the warm water planting and weeding. After a couple of miles, hidden in the paddies, we came to a raised area of dry land. Here was an arena some twenty metres in diameter with a stockade of thatched palm leaves. A crowd of spectators in holiday mood and dressed in their best batiks and sarongs chattered excitedly. An announcer with a microphone shouted unintelligibly. Our host told us that what we were about to see was illegal and had to take place away from the town and at night. A small trapdoor was opened and into the arena trotted a small bemused looking wild boar. Then another trapdoor at the other side of the arena was opened and three lean hungry yapping terriers emerged. After running around aimlessly for a minute or two they started to attack the boar who gamely fought the dogs off. The small dogs were not able to slaughter the pig quickly but persistently nipped and bit at the increasingly distraught boar. After half an hour the dogs tired and were replaced by three more yapping hungry terriers. While this torture was carried on, the audience chatted pleasantly and occasionally cheered when some particularly skilful tactic was tried.

On the train to Djakarta the following day we reflected that the previous night’s activities may have seemed cruel but only twenty years earlier my wife’s grandfather was still involved in illegal cock fighting in England and badger baiting with small dogs was still practiced in some South Yorkshire towns. Bull fighting continued in Spain and fox hunting in the UK was still legal. Cruelty to animals for human entertainment is a widespread phenomenen.